Milestone Documents of American Leaders

Henry Clay’s Speech on South American Independence: Document Text

by Henry Clay

Speech on South American Independence (1818)

The proposition to recognize the Independent governments of South America offers a subject of as great importance as any which could claim the deliberate consideration of this House.

Henry Clay

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Library of Congress

[Henry Clay] then went on to say, that it appeared to him the object of this government, heretofore, had been, so to manage its affairs, in regard to South America, as to produce an effect on its existing negociations with the parent country. The House were now apprized, by the Message from the President, that this policy had totally failed; it had failed, because our country would not dishonor itself by surrendering one of the most important rights incidental to sovereignty. Although we had observed a course towards the Patriots, as Mr. Gallatin said in his communication read yesterday, greatly exceeding in rigor the course pursued towards them either by France or England; altho’, also, as was remarked by the Secretary of State, we had observed a neutrality so strict that blood had been spilt in enforcing it…still, Spanish honor was not satisfied, and fresh sacrifices were demanded of us. If they were resisted in form, they were substantially yielded by our course as to South America. We will not stipulate with Spain not to recognize the Independence of the South; but we nevertheless grant to her all she demands.…

Two years ago, Mr. C. said, would, in his opinion, have been the proper time for recognizing the independence of the South. Then the struggle was somewhat doubtful, and a kind office on the part of this government would have had a salutary effect. Since that period, what had occurred? Any thing to prevent a recognition of their independence, or to make it less expedient? No; every occurrence tended to prove the capacity of that country to maintain its independence. … There was a time, he said, when impressions are made on individuals and nations, by kindness towards them, which last forever…when they are surrounded with enemies, and embarrassments present themselves. Ages and ages may pass away, said Mr. C. before we forget the help we received, in our day of peril, from the hands of France. Her injustice, the tyranny of a despot, may alienate us for a time; but, the moment it ceases, we relapse into a good feeling towards her. Do you mean to wait, said Mr. C. until these Republics are recognized by the whole world, and then step in and extend your hand to them when it can no longer be withheld? … What would I give, exclaimed Mr. Clay, could we appreciate the advantages which may be realized by pursuing the course which I propose! It is in our power to create a system of which we shall be the centre, and in which all South America will act with us. In respect to commerce, we should be most benefitted: this country would become the place of deposit of the commerce of the world. Our citizens engaged in foreign trade were at present disheartened by the condition of that trade: they must seek new channels for it…and none so advantageous could be found, as those which the trade with South America would afford. Mr. C. took a prospective view of the growth of wealth, and increase of population of this country and of South America. That country had now a population of upwards of eighteen millions. The same activity of the principle of population would exist in that country as here. Twenty-five years hence its population might be estimated at thirty-six millions; fifty years hence, at seventy-two millions. We now have a population of ten millions. From the character of our population, we must always take the lead in the prosecution of commerce and manufactures. Imagine the vast power of the two countries, and the value of the intercourse between them, when we shall have a population of forty millions, and they of seventy millions! In relation to South America, the people of the United States will occupy the same position as the people of New England do to the rest of the United States. Our enterprize, industry, and habits of economy, will give us the advantage in any competition which South America may sustain with us, &c.

But however important our early recognition of the Independence of the South might be to us, as respects our commercial and manufacturing interests, was there not another view of the subject, infinitely more gratifying? We should become the centre of a system which would constitute the rallying point of human freedom against all the despotism of the Old World. Did any man doubt the feelings of the South towards us? In spite of our coldness towards them, of the rigor of our laws, and the conduct of our officers, their hearts still turned towards us, as to their brethren; and he had no earthly doubt, if our government would take the lead and recognize them, that they would become yet more anxious to imitate our Institutions, and to secure to themselves and to their posterity the same freedom which we enjoy. … Our Institutions, said Mr. C. now make us free; but, how long shall we continue so, if we mould our opinions on those of Europe? Let us break these commercial and political fetters; let us no longer watch the nod of any European politician; let us become real and true Americans, and place ourselves at the head of the American system.…

Two questions only, Mr. Clay argued, were necessarily preliminary to the recognition of the independence of the People of the South: first, as to the fact of their independence; and, secondly, as to their capacity for self government. On the first point, not a doubt existed. On the second, there was every evidence in their favor. They had fostered schools with great care; there were more newspapers in the single town of Buenos Ayres (at the time he was speaking) than in the whole kingdom of Spain. He never saw a question discussed with more ability than that in a newspaper of Buenos Ayres, whether a federative or consolidated form of government was best.…

With regard to the form of his proposition, Mr. C. said, all he wanted was to obtain an expression of the opinion of the house on this subject; and whether a Minister should be authorized to one or the other of these governments, or whether he should be of one grade or of another, he cared not. This Republic, with the exception of the People of South America, constituted the sole depository of political and religious freedom: and can it be possible, said he, that we can remain passive spectators of the struggle of those People to break the same chains which once bound us? The opinion of the friends of Freedom in Europe is, that our policy has been cold, heartless, and indifferent towards the greatest cause which could possibly engage our affections and enlist our feelings in its behalf.

Mr. C. concluded by saying that, whatever might be the decision of this house on this question, proposing shortly to go into retirement from public life, he should there have the consolation of knowing that he had used his best exertions in favor of a People inhabiting a territory calculated to contain as many souls as the whole of Christendom besides, whose happiness was at stake, and which it was in the power of this government to do so much towards securing.

Citation Types

Type
Format
MLA 9th
Clay, Henry. "Henry Clay’s Speech On South American Independence: Document Text." Milestone Documents of American Leaders, edited by Paul Finkelman, Salem Press, 2009. Salem Online, online.salempress.com/articleDetails.do?articleName=mdal_50c.
APA 7th
Clay, H. (2009). Henry Clay’s Speech on South American Independence: Document Text. In P. Finkelman (Ed.), Milestone Documents of American Leaders. Salem Press. online.salempress.com.
CMOS 17th
Clay, Henry. "Henry Clay’s Speech On South American Independence: Document Text." Edited by Paul Finkelman. Milestone Documents of American Leaders. Hackensack: Salem Press, 2009. Accessed December 14, 2025. online.salempress.com.