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Defining Documents in American History: Dissent and Protest

“I Have a Dream”

by Paul T. Murray

Date: 1963

Author: Martin Luther King, Jr.

Genre: Speech

Summary Overview

On August 28, 1963, nearly a quarter of a million people arrived in the District of Columbia for the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom. The marchers on that day in 1963 had been summoned by the veteran African American labor leader A. Philip Randolph to urge the federal government to broaden economic opportunities for low-income families and to pressure Congress to pass the Civil Rights Act, which was then being debated. Delegations of civil rights supporters from cities across the United States thus joined together for a massive one-day protest. Amid the day’s various events and speeches, one stood out: Martin Luther King, Jr.’s speech “I Have a Dream.” His oration eclipsed the remarks of all other speakers that day and is among the most quoted American public addresses. “I Have a Dream” has come to epitomize the aspirations of the modern civil rights movement. In it, King reminded his listeners of African Americans’ legitimate grievances and promised that they would not rest until full equality was won. As he neared the end of his speech, King departed from his prepared text to deliver his most memorable words: “I have a dream,” he thundered, in the powerful preaching cadence of the black Baptist tradition. Using a series of riveting images, King shared his vision of a country free of racial hatred, in which black and white Americans would live as equals.

Defining Moment

In 1941 A. Philip Randolph, the president of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, threatened to lead one hundred thousand African Americans down Pennsylvania Avenue, forcing President Franklin D. Roosevelt to act against racial discrimination in defense industries.

As civil rights protests gained momentum in the early 1960s, Randolph revived the idea of a march on Washington. He maintained that a massive assembly of black citizens was needed to prod a reluctant President Kennedy into action. Randolph’s idea initially drew a lukewarm response from other black leaders—until Martin Luther King, Jr., lent his support.

King had just finished a successful campaign to desegregate stores and lunch counters in Birmingham, Alabama. Nationally televised scenes of police dogs and fire hoses battering youthful demonstrators roused public sympathy behind the crusade for equal rights.After Kennedy submitted his civil rights bill to Congress, the event was renamed the “March for Jobs and Freedom,” the emphasis shifted from economic issues to support for the proposed legislation.

President Kennedy tried to convince march organizers that a mass protest could create opposition to the bill. When Randolph and King declared their determination to go ahead with the demonstration, the president offered the assistance of federal agencies to ensure that the march proceeded smoothly. In the weeks leading up to the event, Randolph’s chief aide, Bayard Rustin, worked around the clock to nail down the smallest details.

As the huge crowd congregated on either side of the memorial’s Reflecting Pool, the speakers took their turns at the podium in the shadow of the Great Emancipator’s statue. John Lewis, the young head of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, delivered the day’s most militant address, calling for a “great revolution” to “splinter the segregated south into a thousand pieces.” Then, Randolph introduced King, whose address sounded the climactic final note for the day’s celebration

Author Biography

Martin Luther King, Jr., was born and raised in Atlanta, Georgia, where both his father and grandfather pastored the Ebenezer Baptist Church. At the age of fifteen he entered Morehouse College to study sociology. He prepared for the ministry at Crozier Theological Seminary, in Pennsylvania, and then earned a doctorate in philosophy from Boston University. While in Boston he met and married Coretta Scott, an aspiring concert singer from Marion, Alabama.

In 1953 King returned to the South to become pastor of the Dexter Avenue Baptist Church in Montgomery, Alabama. When Rosa Parks was arrested in 1955 for refusing to give up her seat to a white passenger, King emerged as the leader of a year-long boycott of city buses. His application of Gandhian nonviolent resistance to fight Jim Crow laws and the successful outcome of the Montgomery protest thrust him into the national spotlight. In 1957 he founded the Southern Christian Leadership Conference to carry his fight for civil rights to other southern communities. Over the next decade King remained at the forefront of the rapidly growing civil rights movement. In 1963 he led a campaign of civil disobedience against segregation in Birmingham, Alabama—one of the most violent southern cities. His “Letter from Birmingham Jail,” written following his arrest while leading a demonstration, is an eloquent defense of his nonviolent tactics.

King’s “I Have a Dream” Speech at the March on Washington helped build public support for the landmark Civil Rights Act that was passed by Congress in 1964. In turn, the Voting Rights Act that became law the following year was enacted largely because of his efforts to dramatize the disenfranchisement of African American citizens in Selma, Alabama. In 1966 King turned his attention to the North, where he attacked slum conditions and segregated housing in Chicago. King’s growing opposition to the Vietnam War put him in the front ranks of the antiwar movement. At the time of his assassination in 1968, he was preparing to lead the Poor People’s Campaign, a multiracial effort to spur government action against poverty.

King received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1964. In the United States, his birthday is commemorated by a national holiday, and his bust stands in the U.S. Capitol.

Historical Document

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Fivescore years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This

momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we’ve come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we’ve come to our nation’s capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the “unalienable Rights of Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.” It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked “insufficient funds.”

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so we’ve come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God’s children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro’s legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual, There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, “When will you be satisfied?”

We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the Negro’s basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their selfhood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating “for whites only.” We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied and we will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.”

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering.

Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.

I say to you today, my friends so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream. I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: “We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal.”

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of “interposition” and “nullification,” one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers. I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day “every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low; the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.”

This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day. This will be the day, this will be the day when all of God’s children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My Country, ‘tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I Sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim’s pride

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that: Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city; we will be able to speed up that day when all of God’s children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last! Free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

Glossary

curvaceous: endowed with ample curves, such as an attractive woman

hallowed: sacred

interposition and nullification: a discredited legal theory holding that states can nullify federal laws that they consider unconstitutional, as used by segregationists trying to reverse the Supreme Court’s Brown v. Board of Education decision

promissory note: a written promise to pay a specific amount on demand or at a specific time

fivescore: one hundred—a “score” being twenty

Document Analysis

After a brief salutation, King reminds his listeners of the symbolic importance of the ground they occupy. King’s use of the archaic “fivescore years ago” is an obvious echo of Lincoln’s Gettysburg Address. He briefly mentions the triple problems of segregation, discrimination, and poverty that face black Americans and emphasizes the long gap between the Emancipation Proclamation’s promise of equality and the lingering reality of pervasive racism.

Using the words of the Declaration of Independence, King says African Americans are seeking only the rights guaranteed to all citizens. He accuses the United States of bad faith in delivering its pledge of freedom.He concludes this passage on a hopeful note, stating his belief that the United States will soon honor its commitment to its black citizens.

King asserts that America cannot afford to wait any longer. Many critics were accusing the civil rights movement of impatience, of pressing too hard for reform. King rejects this argument, underscoring the urgency of African American demands for equal rights by reiterating “now is the time” four times. He threatens that “there will be neither rest nor tranquility” until these demands are granted.

King also admonishes his fellow African Americans to refrain from bitterness and a desire for revenge and emphasizes the need for continued nonviolent tactics. He acknowledges the presence of white supporters, estimated to be about 10 percent of the march’s participants. He insists white allies are essential for the movement’s success.

King then resumes a more militant tone, listing some of the top priorities of the civil rights movement: an end to police brutality, access to public accommodations, the elimination of housing segregation, the removal of Jim Crow signs, voting rights, and meaningful participation in political affairs. He ends this litany by paraphrasing the Old Testament prophet Amos in saying that blacks will not be satisfied until “justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.”

King next turns his attention to those battle-scarred veterans of the civil rights movement in the audience, saluting their sacrifices and courage. Some of them have questioned the effectiveness of Gandhian civil disobedience, but King encourages them to keep faith in nonviolence.

King then begins the most well-known portion of the speech, in which he outlines his dream for America. In the first glimpse of his dream, King refers again to the Declaration of Independence, asserting his belief that one day Americans truly will honor the words “all men are created equal.” He foresees a society where the barriers of segregation dividing the races no longer will be enforced—where blacks and whites will be able to sit down and eat together.

King’s dream also extends to the state of Mississippi, home to some of the most violent defenders of white supremacy, asserting that Mississippi will become “an oasis of freedom and justice.”

King next makes the dream very personal by including his four young children. He maintains that one day, instead of being considered inferior beings and denied opportunities to develop their full human potential because of the color of their skin, they will be judged by “the content of their character.”

Alabama will also be transformed in this renewed nation, offering a vision of a time when “little black boys and black girls” will not be isolated from their white peers. Not only will they see each other as equals, but they will also join hands “as sisters and brothers.” The physical intimacy King suggests by this simple act was no doubt offensive to rabid racists but presented a powerful image of innocent fraternity to those in his audience.

Quoting the book of Isaiah, he recalls the prophet’s description of the kingdom of God. King embraces the prophetic role, testifying that the quest for civil rights is part of God’s divine plan for America and equating the coming victory over segregation with the arrival of the millennium.

At this point King briefly returns to his prepared text for a few sentences affirming his faith in this vision; it gives him confidence that America can overcome its bitter divisions. Then, improvising again, he claims that the knowledge that “we will be free one day” is enough to sustain him and other civil rights activists through the difficult battles that undoubtedly lie ahead.

King continues spontaneously, describing a coming era when “all of God’s children” will win their freedom. On that day, African Americans will be able to sing the patriotic hymn “America the Beautiful,” confident at last that the verses apply to them. He summons a vision of the day when freedom will ring “from every village and every hamlet” and when this message will be embraced by “all of God’s children.” He offers a closing image of blacks and whites, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics all joining hands in brotherhood. Finally King invokes an African American spiritual for his benediction: “Free at last, free at last, thank God Almighty, we are free at last.”

Essential Themes

The final seven minutes of this speech made King’s speech a triumph of American oratory. These are the words that schoolchildren memorize, because, in author Drew Hanson’s words, King “added something completely fresh to the way that Americans thought about race and civil rights. He gave the nation a vision of what it could look like if all things were made new.” There was little in King’s rhetoric about the need for civil rights that was truly new. Activists, for a over a century, dating back to the days of the abolition movement, had pointed out the disparity between the nation’s ideals and the reality of slavery and racial inequality. However, coming on the heels of the Birmingham campaign, as well as sit-ins and boycotts, and marches around the country, the familiar rhetoric took on a new urgency.

The immediate audience for King’s speech was the approximately 250,000 people gathered on August 28, 1963, in front of the Lincoln Memorial and around the nearby Reflecting Pool. Additional millions listened on the radio and watched on television. King’s words were aimed at all Americans. For black listeners they carried a message of hope with the promise that the goals of freedom and equality were within reach. For whites, King articulated the aspirations of African Americans, placing them squarely in the context of the American dream. Each year, on the national holiday commemorating his life, King’s message is passed on to new generations.

Bibliography and Additional Reading

1 

Alvarez, Alexandra. “Martin Luther King’s ‘I Have a Dream’: The Speech Event as Metaphor.” Journal of Black Studies 18, no. 3 (March 1988): 337–357.

2 

Bennett, Lerone. Confrontation: Black and White. (Chicago: Johnson Publishing, 1965).

3 

Garrow, David J. Bearing the Cross: Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. (New York: Vintage Books, 1986).

4 

Garrow, David J. “King: The Man, the March, the Dream.” American History 38, no. 3 (August 2003): 26–35.

5 

Hansen, Drew D. The Dream: Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Speech That Inspired a Nation. (New York: HarperCollins, 2003).

6 

Johnson, Charles, and Bob Adelman. King: The Photobiography of Martin Luther King, Jr. (New York: Viking Studio, 2000).

7 

Lischer, Richard. The Preacher King: Martin Luther King, Jr. and the Word That Moved America. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995).

8 

Miller, Keith D. Voice of Deliverance: The Language of Martin Luther King, Jr., and Its Sources. (New York: Free Press, 1992).

9 

Mills, Nicholas. “Heard and Unheard Speeches: What Really Happened at the March on Washington?” Dissent 35 (Summer 1988): 285–291.

10 

Powers, Richard Gid. “The FBI Marches on the Dreamer.” American History 38, no. 3 (August 2003): 42–47.

11 

Reed, Harry A. “Martin Luther King, Jr. History and Memory, Reflections on Dreams and Silences.” Journal of Negro History 84, no. 2 (Spring 1999): 150–166.

Web Site

12 

“March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom (1963).” King Encyclopedia Web site. http://www.stanford.edu/group/King/about_king/encyclopedia/march_washington.html. Accessed on March 5, 2008.

Citation Types

MLA 9th
Murray, Paul T. "“I Have A Dream”." Defining Documents in American History: Dissent and Protest, edited by Aaron Gulyas, Salem Press, 2017. Salem Online, online.salempress.com/articleDetails.do?articleName=DDProtest_0069.
APA 7th
Murray, P. T. (2017). “I Have a Dream”. In A. Gulyas (Ed.), Defining Documents in American History: Dissent and Protest. Salem Press. online.salempress.com.
CMOS 17th
Murray, Paul T. "“I Have A Dream”." Edited by Aaron Gulyas. Defining Documents in American History: Dissent and Protest. Hackensack: Salem Press, 2017. Accessed May 30, 2026. online.salempress.com.