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Historical Document

Historical Document

When first the rebel cannon shattered the walls of Sumter and drove away its starving garrison, I predicted that the war then and there inaugurated would not be fought out entirely by white men. Every month’s experience during these dreary years has confirmed that opinion. A war undertaken and brazenly carried on for the perpetual enslavement of colored men, calls logically and loudly for colored men to help suppress it. Only a moderate share of sagacity was needed to see that the arm of the slave was the best defense against the arm of the slaveholder. Hence with every reverse to the national arms, with every exulting shout of victory raised by the slaveholding rebels, I have implored the imperiled nation to unchain against her foes, her powerful black hand. Slowly and reluctantly that appeal is beginning to be heeded. Stop not now to complain that it was not heeded sooner. It may or it may not have been best that it should not. This is not the time to discuss that question. Leave it to the future. When the war is over, the country is saved, peace is established, and the black man’s rights are secured, as they will be, history with an impartial hand will dispose of that and sundry other questions. Action! Action! not criticism, is the plain duty of this hour. Words are now useful only as they stimulate to blows. The office of speech now is only to point out when, where, and how to strike to the best advantage. There is no time to delay. The tide is at its flood that leads on to fortune. From East to West, from North to South, the sky is written all over, “Now or never.” Liberty won by white men would lose half its luster. “Who would be free themselves must strike the blow.” “Better even die free, than to live slaves.” This is the sentiment of every brave colored man amongst us. There are weak and cowardly men in all nations. We have them amongst us. They tell you this is the “white man’s war”; that you will be “no better off after than before the war”; that the getting of you into the army is to “sacrifice you on the first opportunity.” Believe them not; cowards themselves, they do not wish to have their cowardice shamed by your brave example. Leave them to their timidity, or to whatever motive may hold them back. I have not thought lightly of the words I am now addressing you. The counsel I give comes of close observation of the great struggle now in progress, and of the deep conviction that this is your hour and mine. In good earnest then, and after the best deliberation, I now for the first time during this war feel at liberty to call and counsel you to arms. By every consideration which binds you to your enslaved fellow-countrymen, and the peace and welfare of your country; by every aspiration which you cherish for the freedom and equality of yourselves and your children; by all the ties of blood and idetity which make us one with the brave black men now fighting our battles in Louisiana and in South Carolina, I urge you to fly to arms, and smite with death the power that would bury the government and your liberty in the same hopeless grave. I wish I could tell you that the State of New York calls you to this high honor. For the moment her constituted authorities are silent on the subject. They will speak by and by, and doubtless on the right side; but we are not compelled to wait for her. We can get at the throat of treason and slavery through the State of Massachusetts. She was first in the War of Independence; first to break the chains of her slaves; first to make the black man equal before the law; first to admit colored children to her common schools, and she was first to answer with her blood the alarm cry of the nation, when its capital was menaced by rebels. You know her patriotic governor, and you know Charles Sumner. I need not add more.

Massachusetts now welcomes you to arms as soldiers. She has but a small colored population from which to recruit. She has full leave of the general government to send one regiment to the war, and she has undertaken to do it. Go quickly and help fill up the first colored regiment from the North. I am authorized to assure you that you will receive the same wages, the same rations, the same equipments, the same protection, the same treatment, and the same bounty, secured to the white soldiers. You will be led by able and skillful officers, men who will take especial pride in your efficiency and success. They will be quick to accord to you all the honor you shall merit by your valor, and see that your rights and feelings are respected by other soldiers. I have assured myself on these points, and can speak with authority. More than twenty years of unswerving devotion to our common cause may give me some humble claim to be trusted at this momentous crisis. I will not argue. To do so implies hesitation and doubt, and you do not hesitate. You do not doubt. The day dawns; the morning star is bright upon the horizon! The iron gate of our prison stands half open. One gallant rush from the North will fling it wide open, while four millions of our brothers and sisters shall march out into liberty. The chance is now given you to end in a day the bondage of centuries, and to rise in one bound from social degradation to the plane of common equality with all other varieties of men. Remember Denmark Vesey of Charleston; remember Nathaniel Turner of Southampton; remember Shields Green and Copeland, who followed noble John Brown, and fell as glorious martyrs for the cause of the slave. Remember that in a contest with oppression, the Almighty has no attribute which can take sides with oppressors. The case is before you. This is our golden opportunity. Let us accept it, and forever wipe out the dark reproaches unsparingly hurled against us by our enemies. Let us win for ourselves the gratitude of our country, and the best blessings of our posterity through all time. The nucleus of this first regiment is now in camp at Readville, a short distance from Boston. I will undertake to forward to Boston all persons adjudged fit to be mustered into the regiment, who shall apply to me at any time within the next two weeks.

Glossary

walls of Sumter: this is a reference to Ft. Sumter, South Carolina, in Charleston Harbor, where the first shots of the Civil War were fired in April of 1861

sagacity: having sound judgment or wisdom

luster: shine, polish, or appearance

Nathaniel Turner: black minister who led a slave rebellion in Southampton County, Virginia in 1831; ge was executed for his revolt

John Brown: white abolitionist who led an ill-fated attack on the federal armory at Harper’s Ferry, Virginia in 1859; he became a martyr for the cause of abolition


Defining Documents in American History: Civil War (1860–1865)

“Men of Color, To Arms!”

by Gregory Jones

Date: March 21, 1863

Author: Douglass, Frederick

Genre: broadside

“Remember that in a contest with oppression, the Almighty has no attribute which can take sides with oppressors. The case is before you. This is our golden opportunity. Let us accept it, and forever wipe out the dark reproaches unsparingly hurled against us by our enemies.”

Summary Overview

The central issue in the American Civil War was the states’ right to determine the fate of slavery in both the existing states as well as the territory of expansion. In that heated and eventually violent discussion, several key voices emerged, including that of the self-educated escaped slave turned free man Frederick Douglass. His story, chronicled in his famous personal narrative, was evidence for abolitionists against the virulent racism that permeated both Northern and Southern consciousnesses. Douglass became a voice for African American men throughout the free and slave states, representing the articulation of black manhood and civilization.

Douglass worked from the start of the war to persuade white administrators and commanders to allow black soldiers to serve in the Union army. For many months these men were denied their opportunity to fight in a war that was deciding their fate. Douglass continued working with intellectuals like Thomas Wentworth Higginson and Anna Elizabeth Dickinson to persuade influential Republican politicians, who were the most sympathetic to the abolitionist crusade, to allow black men to fight for their country. Douglass and others articulated that it was indeed the point of black service to earn full citizenship for African Americans. Beyond emancipation, they fought for equal rights under the American Constitution.

Defining Moment

The “Call to Arms” presented by Douglass was a mechanism for rallying African American men, particularly free blacks in the North, to join the Union army. After two years of unsuccessful fighting across the South, especially in Virginia, the Union army needed support to continue the war. The Union high command had several commanders including General Irvin McDowell and General Ambrose Burnside, but there were none that had yet found permanence in the overall command. Despite the strategic stalemate at the Battle of Antietam in the fall of 1862, there were few significant victories for the federal army. The passing of the Emancipation Proclamation in January of 1863 effectively freed the slaves living in the rebellious states. By doing so, all invading Union armies received droves of slave men attempting to join the ranks.

Additionally, the influx of new soldiers for the Union army proved to be beneficial to the Union cause. Estimates vary, but most historians agree that nearly 200,000 black men fought for the Union military, effectively supporting the Northern effort to win the war against slavery and to preserve the Union. Those soldiers fought with distinction at numerous battles, including Wilson’s Wharf, the fight for Battery Wagner, and the Battle of the Crater in Petersburg, Virginia among others.

Author Biography

Frederick Douglass was born a slave but became a free man by escaping bondage. His Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass is one of the most important books in the nineteenth century. In that text, Douglass explains not only his process of becoming a free man, but also in fighting for his own education. Literacy, for Douglass, was the key to his success. While he did not have citizenship, literacy helped him communicate with others who could help him personally as well as his role as an intellectual in nineteenth-century American life. It was his desire to reflect egalitarian humanism, the belief in equality for all human beings regardless of race or sex, wherever possible.

Douglass was the most qualified person to make the call to arms for black troops. Although too old to fight himself, and better connected to the political realm, besides, Douglass presented the argument for why black men should fight for the Union army to defeat their former masters and push to define black citizenship in the United States. Douglass’s tacit support for black soldiers helped to persuade influential politicians to involve African American soldiers in the fight.

Document Analysis

Frederick Douglass’s broadside message, “Men of Color, To Arms!” was a certain rallying cry to the black freedmen of the North. He provided a message from a black man to black men about the necessity of service. He implored that it was high time for slaves to respond to the injustices of their slaveholders. It was time for black men to respond to a call that they had felt for many years. His connection between the struggles of African American men and the promise of a new redefined Union were tangible. Douglass wanted the newly free African American men to realize that they had an opportunity to fight and earn acceptance in the eyes of the broader white American community.

Douglass repeated the theme that now, meaning the spring of 1863, was finally time for black men to take up arms. Many had tried to volunteer and were denied during the first two years of the war, but the Emancipation Proclamation opened the opportunity for black service. He wrote, “A war undertaken and brazenly carried on for the perpetual enslavement of colored men, calls logically and loudly for colored men to help suppress.” The interesting point about that perspective was that Douglass featured the negative Confederate war effort rather than the positive Union effort. For these men that he called, it was not merely a fight for rights, but instead a fight to resist the tyranny of Southern slavery. Their freedom and the freedom of those still in bondage was on the line. Fighting, in this case for the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, was worth the sacrifice that it might cost. His comments on the timeliness of the service were rooted in the restrictions of the past, but also the urgency of the moment. He added, “In good earnest then, and after the best deliberation, I now for the first time during this war feel at liberty to call and counsel you to arms.” It was important that they serve in the moment that their country needed them.

Douglass asserted that fighting for their freedom, or to stop slaveholders, would ultimately garner black soldiers equality under American law. Speaking specifically of the conditions of fighting, he explained that black troops would be given equal pay. He wrote, “I am authorized to assure you that you will receive the same wages, the same rations, the same equipments, the same protection, the same treatment, and the same bounty, secured to the white soldiers.” Douglass may have been “assured” of this, but it certainly never materialized for black troops. Not only were they chronically under paid, they were also forced to do “slave like” labor, such as fatigue duty, cutting trees, laying roads, hauling supplies, and burying the white dead. When black troops signed up to fight they followed the rallying cries of men like Douglass, only to find themselves doing grunt labor often far from the firing lines of the Army of the Potomac in the early part of their service. As circumstances changed and the war continued, black soldiers did see combat in a variety of contexts, including the now-famous assault on Battery Wagner, South Carolina, by the 54th Massachusetts Infantry, led by Colonel Robert Gould Shaw.

Douglass acknowledged division within the black community and spoke against the detractors to service. He mentioned that some warned black men would be “no better off after than before the war,” but Douglass linked the efforts to fight directly to the expansion of rights for many within the nation. He said that it is “your hour and mine.” Their service and sacrifice was not merely for themselves, largely free blacks reading the broadside. Rather, Douglass wanted these men to fight for their “enslaved fellow-countrymen” and generations to come. Douglass saw the Civil War as an opportunity to broaden access to democracy. If the use of force was necessary, he knew that the help of black men would only strengthen the Union cause. He rallied black men on the point not just of the color of their skin, but enlisting them in a liberation army for the good of the nation. His politics were violent, but at the behest of advancing a nation of freedom more than simply to seek vengeance in the face of former masters.

Douglass wanted the men to think of their cause beyond individual motives, pointing to the supernatural as an avenue of support. He described their cause in terms of ultimate good, writing, “Remember that in a contest with oppression, the Almighty has no attribute which can take sides with oppressors. The case is before you. This is our golden opportunity. Let us accept it, and forever wipe out the dark reproaches unsparingly hurled against us by our enemies.” The combination of bellicose language and the support of the Almighty was typical of the era. It was important that Douglass give the African American men agency in fighting because many thought they did not have a right to fight back against their oppressors. Douglass gave them the rhetoric to explain and justify their violent actions in a way that blended nicely with the Protestant Christianity that was so common among African Americans at the time. Douglass contextualized his statement in terms of both “opportunity” and “wiping out… darkness,” with both providing a combination of urgency and completeness to the task at hand.

Douglass he hoped that soldiers would see themselves among a long line of men who offered resistance to white rule. In the broadside, Douglass made direct reference to the slave rebellion attempts of Denmark Vesey, Nathaniel Turner, and the two men who died martyrs fighting alongside radical abolitionist John Brown, Shields Green and Copeland. These men were not the types of names that were thrown around flippantly. By invoking their sacrifice, Douglass intentionally provoked the men into believing it was indeed time to strike. These earlier attempts for freedom were not successful, but Douglass wanted the men observing the broadside to have a personal and historical connection with the efforts of the war through the violent sacrifice of the past. This war was the consummation of all of the efforts of other brave men. It was time to stand up and fight for the legacy of black men. It was time to fight for the possibility of freedom, both that away from slaveholders and also that of new citizenship in the Union.

Essential Themes

Frederick Douglass’s purpose in the broadside was obviously to motivate soldiers to fight for the Union, but he added other terminology regarding consequences beyond freedom of the individual, including citizenship, a sense of justice for the oppressors, and a sense of personal honor. This collection of ideologies was not unlike that of the white soldiers fighting, which was an intentional point for Douglass. By fighting against white Confederate opponents on the field of mortal combat, the black soldiers had an opportunity to earn respect and dignity, with hopes of citizenship, from the federal government.

Historically, even though black soldiers fought valiantly in numerous engagements throughout the war, they were not immediately granted the citizenship that Douglass imagined. Rather, they were granted nominal freedom with the 13th Amendment to the United States Constitution in 1865, but many African American men found themselves de facto disfranchised by the perpetuation of “slave laws” renewed as Jim Crow laws in the post–Civil War South. This did not change the historical significance of the broadside. It symbolized an opportunity for black men to stand and fight for their own freedom. It was more than a vote, but rather a sign of manliness (as many in the nineteenth century perceived it) to fight alongside and against white men.

In a similar sense, the dream of racial revenge and eventual reconciliation through the destruction of slaveholders’ property was also less than satisfactory for Douglass and his companions. Despite General William Tecumseh Sherman’s infamous “March to the Sea” and the successful burning of cities like Atlanta, Georgia, and Columbia, South Carolina, much of the South remained able to rebuild during the Reconstruction era. The influx of northern economic capital (much to the chagrin of Southern lawmakers) served to support a rebuilding and new industrialization of the New South. In that new order, the people left with the least amount of support were the former slaves, the people for whom Douglass’s rallying broadside sought to help, found themselves doing slave-like labor in slave-like conditions through sharecropping. These common African Americans lacked the economic mobility to leave their station, instead celebrating the success they found through the Freedmen’s Bureau in unifying families and establishing some basic economic success. Following the corrupt presidential election of 1877, which put Republican President Rutherford B. Hayes in the oval office, federal troops were removed from their occupation of the American South, effectively allowing the Jim Crow laws of the former Confederacy to dominate the political and social landscape of the New South.

This broadside directly influenced a chain of events through black enlistment that changed the cultural landscape of the United States. Not only did black soldiers fight for their own emancipation in securing victory for the Union, but they also helped to maintain a longstanding Republican rule that helped to establish the constitutional amendments that defined black citizenship. Douglass’s work to rally the black men of the North into Civil War service helped to solidify his personal legacy as one of the important historical actors in both Civil War and Civil Rights history.

Bibliography

1 

Cornish, Dudley M. The Sable Arm: Black Troops in the Union Army, 1861-1865. Lawrence: UP of Kansas, 1987. Print.

2 

Douglass, Frederick. Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass: An American Slave,Written by Himself (Bedford Series in History and Culture). New York: Bedford/St. Martin’s, 2002. Print.

3 

Martin Jr., Waldo E. Mind of Frederick Douglass. Chapel Hill: U of North Carolina P, 1986. Print.

Further Reading

4 

Glatthaar, Joseph. Forged in Battle: The Civil War Alliance of Black Soldiers and White Officers. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State UP, 2000. Print

5 

Manning, Chandra. What This Cruel War Was Over: Soldiers, Slavery, and the Civil War. New York: Vintage, 2008. Print.

6 

McFeeley, William. Frederick Douglass. New York: Norton, 1995. Print.

7 

McPherson, James M. The Negro’s Civil War: How American Blacks Felt and Acted During the Civil War. New York: Vintage, 2003. Print.

Citation Types

Type
Format
MLA 9th
Jones, Gregory. "“Men Of Color, To Arms!”." Defining Documents in American History: Civil War (1860–1865),Salem Press, 2013. Salem Online, online.salempress.com/articleDetails.do?articleName=DDCW_0065.
APA 7th
Jones, G. (2013). “Men of Color, To Arms!”. Defining Documents in American History: Civil War (1860–1865). Salem Press. online.salempress.com.
CMOS 17th
Jones, Gregory. "“Men Of Color, To Arms!”." Defining Documents in American History: Civil War (1860–1865). Hackensack: Salem Press, 2013. Accessed July 12, 2025. online.salempress.com.