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Critical Survey of Shakespeare: Film Adaptations

Henry IV, Part II

by Stanley Archer

Type of plot: Historical

Time of plot: 1405–1413

Locale: England

First performed: 1597; first published, 1600

PRINCIPAL CHARACTERS

King Henry IV

Hal, the Prince of Wales

John of Lancaster, another son of the king

Earl of Westmoreland, a member of the king’s party

Earl of Northumberland, enemy of the king

Sir John Falstaff, a riotous old knight

Shallow, a country justice

The Lord Chief Justice, judge of the King’s Bench

Mistress Quickly, hostess of the Boar’s Head Tavern in Eastcheap

THE STORY

After the battle of Shrewsbury many false reports were circulated among the peasants. Northumberland believed for a time that the rebel forces had been victorious, but his retainers, fleeing from that stricken field, brought a true account of the death of Hotspur, Northumberland’s valiant son, at the hands of Prince Henry, and of King Henry’s avowal to put down rebellion by crushing those forces still opposing him. Northumberland, sorely grieved by news of his son’s death, prepared to avenge that loss. Hope for his side lay in the fact that the archbishop of York had mustered an army, because soldiers so organized, being responsible to the church rather than to a military leader, would prove better fighters than those who had fled from Shrewsbury field. News that the king’s forces of twenty-five thousand men had been divided into three units was encouraging to his enemies. In spite of Northumberland’s grief for his slain son and his impassioned threat against the king and Prince Henry, he was easily persuaded by his wife and Hotspur’s widow to flee to Scotland, there to await the success of his confederates before he would consent to join them with his army.

Meanwhile, Falstaff delayed in carrying out his orders to proceed north and recruit troops for the king. Deeply involved with Mistress Quickly, he used his royal commission to avoid being imprisoned for debt. With Prince Henry, who had paid little heed to the conduct of the war, he continued his riotous feasting and jesting until both were summoned to join the army marching against the rebels. King Henry, aging and weary, had been ill for two weeks. Sleepless nights had taken their toll on him, and in his restlessness he reviewed his ascent to the throne and denied, to his lords, the accusation of unscrupulousness brought against him by the rebels. He was somewhat heartened by the news of Glendower’s death.

In Gloucestershire, recruiting troops at the house of Justice Shallow, Falstaff flagrantly accepted bribes and let able-bodied men buy themselves out of service. The soldiers he took to the war were a raggle-taggle lot. Prince John of Lancaster, taking the field against the rebels, sent word by Westmoreland to the archbishop that the king’s forces were willing to make peace, and he asked that the rebel leaders make known their grievances so that they might be corrected.

When John and the archbishop met for a conference, John questioned and criticized the archbishop’s dual role as churchman and warrior. The rebels announced their intention to fight until their wrongs were righted, so John promised redress for all. Then he suggested that the archbishop’s troops be disbanded after a formal review; he wished to see the stalwart soldiers that his army would have fought if a truce had not been declared.

His request was granted, but the men, excited by the prospect of their release, scattered so rapidly that inspection was impossible. Westmoreland, sent to disband John’s army, returned to report that the soldiers would take orders only from the prince. With his troops assembled and the enemy’s disbanded, John ordered some of the opposing leaders arrested for high treason and others, including the archbishop, for capital treason. John explained that his action was in keeping with his promise to improve conditions and that to remove rebellious factions was the first step in his campaign. The enemy leaders were sentenced to death.

News of John’s success was brought to King Henry as he lay dying, but the victory could not gladden the sad old king. His chief concern lay in advice and admonition to his younger sons, Gloucester and Clarence, regarding their future conduct, and he asked for unity among his sons. Spent by his long discourse, the king lapsed into unconsciousness.

Prince Henry, summoned to his dying father’s bedside, found the king in a stupor, with the crown beside him. The prince, remorseful and compassionate, expressed regret that the king had lived such a tempestuous existence because of the crown and promised, in his turn, to wear the crown graciously. As he spoke, he placed the crown on his head and left the room. Awaking and learning that the prince had donned the crown, King Henry immediately assumed that his son wished him dead in order to inherit the kingdom. Consoled by the prince’s strong denial of such wishful thinking, the king confessed his own unprincipled behavior in gaining the crown. Asking God’s forgiveness, he repeated his plan to journey to the Holy Land to divert his subjects from revolt, and he advised the prince, when he should become king, to involve his powerful lords in wars with foreign powers, thereby relieving the country of internal strife.

The king’s death caused great sorrow among those who loved him and to those who feared the prince, now Henry V. A short time before, the Lord Chief Justice, acting on the command of Henry IV, had alienated the prince by banishing Falstaff and his band, but the newly crowned king accepted the Lord Chief Justice’s explanation for his treatment of Falstaff and restored his judicial powers.

Falstaff was rebuked for his conduct by Henry V, who stated that he was no longer the person Falstaff had known him to be. Until the old knight learned to correct his ways, the king banished him, on pain of death, to a distance ten miles away from Henry’s person. He promised, however, that if amends were made Falstaff would return by degrees to the king’s good graces. Undaunted by that reproof, Falstaff explained to his cronies that he yet would make them great, that the king’s reprimand was only a front, and that the king would send for him and in the secrecy of the court chambers they would indulge in their old foolishness and plan the advancement of Falstaff’s followers. Prince John, expressing his admiration for Henry’s public display of his changed attitude, prophesied that England would be at war with France before a year had passed.

CRITICAL EVALUATION

The third play in William Shakespeare’s second tetralogy, King Henry IV, Part II is based on Raphael Holinshed’s Chronicles of England, Scotland, and Ireland (1577) and on an anonymous Elizabethan drama, The Famous Victories of Henry V. It offers a collection of well-rounded characters for whose creation Shakespeare makes slender use of his sources. The drama resolves the conflict, carried over from King Henry IV, Part I, between the king and rebellious nobles. In its essence this conflict is one of local versus national rule. The second play also continues the character development of Prince Hal as an ideal future king. The denial of characters’ expectations, marked by sudden dramatic reversals, represents a unifying motif of the drama.

Retaining the main plot of the rebellion and the subplot involving Falstaff and his companions from Henry IV, Part I, the drama limits action in favor of rhetoric. To the panoply of characters surrounding the king from Henry IV, Part I, Shakespeare adds the astute and farsighted Warwick as an adviser and the upright Lord Chief Justice as another father figure for Prince Hal. Additions also enhance the subplot involving Falstaff. He is furnished, in Henry IV, Part II, with a spirited young boy as a page, with the histrionic, swaggering Pistol, and with the sharp-tongued Doll Tearsheet. In a further strand in the subplot, Justice Shallow, his cousin Silence, and Shallow’s servants serve as humorous country bumpkins who willingly play into Falstaff’s hands.

Rumors of battles linger through much of the drama, but they prove to be only rumors. As the rebels regroup under the able archbishop of York following their loss at Shrewsbury, the king’s divided army prepares to move against the centers of rebel strength, Wales and York, arousing expectations of decisive battles. The threat of battle in Wales simply evaporates as the king learns the news that Glendower, the Welsh leader, has died. In the north, Prince John entices the rebels into a deceptive truce and sends their leaders to summary execution. The crushing of rebel power consolidates the king’s rule, yet ironically he is too ill to enjoy the fruits of his victory. The action seems subdued and anticlimactic, the elimination of the rebel threat and the consolidation of regal power pave the way for an orderly succession.

Instead of vivid action, the play offers rhetorical confrontations to strengthen the dramatic conflict and to help resolve the two poles that influence Prince Hal: his father and Falstaff. In one of many indications that the fat knight will be rejected, Falstaff freely expresses his indiscreet opinions of other characters—Justice Shallow, Prince John, and Hal—in soliloquies. His comments on others are less extensive but no less indiscreet. In two early scenes, encounters between Falstaff and the Lord Chief Justice foreshadow the major rhetorical confrontations involving Hal. Falstaff, who has escaped punishment for theft only because he holds a military commission, attempts to intimidate the Lord Chief Justice, who has sought to admonish him about his thievery. To the Lord Chief Justice, Falstaff pretends that he is deaf. This joke turns on Falstaff, who hears but fails to understand what others are saying. To the Lord Chief Justice Falstaff intimates that the king is dying, that Hal will become king, and that as Hal’s friend Falstaff will have important influence. Unmoved by any personal threat, the Lord Chief Justice demonstrates his commitment of law as an ideal.

The scene foreshadows Hal’s three great rhetorical confrontations in the drama: with the king, his real father; with the Lord Chief Justice, a just and wise father figure; and with Falstaff, a parody of a father figure who must be rejected. In Act IV, scene iv, Hal is summoned to his dying father’s bedside. The king’s doubts about him are reinforced when Hal, thinking his father dead, removes the crown from a pillow to meditate on the pain and grief it has brought. Regaining consciousness, the king notices that the crown is missing and concludes that Hal has seized it prematurely. When the prince returns, the king denounces him for ingratitude, citing numerous examples from the past, but this sense of personal injury gives way to a more important concern—the future of the nation under Hal’s rule. He fears that Hal will recklessly give power to Falstaff and others like him. As a consequence, the national unity that the king has achieved will degenerate into riot and anarchy. In an eloquent response, Hal convinces the king that he has been mistaken about Hal’s intentions. He assures the king that he will follow the king’s example, not Richard’s. Following the speech, the king, now more confident, advises Hal to rely on the wise counselors who have served him and to involve the country in a foreign war in order to promote unity.

Following the king’s death, his counselors and Hal’s brothers fear impending chaos. In order to reassure them, Hal addresses the Lord Chief Justice, who is convinced that he has the most to lose. Of his three confrontations, this is the only one that Hal deliberately manages; the other two are either unexpected or opportunistic. Assuming the role of an injured party, Hal demands that the Lord Chief Justice explain his earlier decision to send Hal to prison. The Lord Chief Justice recounts the episode in detail and argues that authority and justice demanded Hal’s punishment. Pointedly, he asks Hal to explain how his sentence was unjust. The king’s response, moving in its dignity, affirms to the Lord Chief Justice that he had been correct, confirms him in his office, retains him as counselor, and assures those present that Hal will follow the example of his father.

The third confrontation is arranged by Falstaff, who has rushed from Gloucestershire to London after hearing of Hal’s succession. Arriving in time for the coronation procession, Falstaff thrusts himself forward and addresses the king with impudent familiarity: “God save thee, my sweet boy!” Hal coldly turns aside and directs the Lord Chief Justice to speak to Falstaff. The move astonishes Falstaff, who believes that the Lord Chief Justice will be punished for his transgressions, and he again directs his speech to Hal. Speaking as king, Henry V denounces Falstaff as a misleader of youth and banishes him from the royal presence. Incredulous at this reversal and denial of his expectation, Falstaff thinks the king will send for him in private, but even Justice Shallow discerns the finality of the king’s tone. By the play’s end. Hal has convinced the skeptics of his ability to rule.

—Stanley Archer

FILM ADAPTATIONS

See also the entry for The Henriad as well as individual entries for An Age of Kings, The Hollow Crown, The Wars of the Roses, and Wars of the Roses

1979–80 BBC Shakespeare Production

This production, broadcast in Britain in 1979 and then in the United States in 1980, was directed by David Giles and starred Jon Finch as King Henry the Fourth; David Gwillim as Henry, Prince of Wales; Anthony Quayle as Sir John Falstaff; Gordon Gostelow as Bardolph; and Bryan Pringle as Pistol.

Henry Fenwick, discussing “The Production” for the BBC booklet that accompanied the first broadcast of the play (19–25), quoted director David Giles as remarking that “Part 2 is very much the death play. It’s full of images of disease all the time. Falstaff is not nearly so spry [as he had been in Part I], still very witty but not nearly as nimble” (19). Jon Finch, playing Henry IV, explained that the producers decided not to overdo the depiction of Henry’s leprosy and syphilis (20) and set designer Don Homfray stressed the fundamental simplicity of the production’s design as a whole (21), while costume designer Odette Barrow explained that medieval laws designating how people of certain classes and occupations were and were not allowed to dress affected the kinds of costumes she created, although she said that she did innovate in some cases, as in the way she chose to clothe Doll Tearsheet in a hand-me-down silk dress (21–22). Barrow also tried to differentiate slightly the costumes of the two justices so that they would not appear to be dressed too much alike, even as she described the challenges and joys of designing a costume for Falstaff that would be both large and flexible. Meanwhile, script editor Alan Shallcross explained that although this play is one of Shakespeare’s longest works, he was easily able to cut extraneous lines from it, particularly in the opening and forest scenes, both of which, he thought, contained too much talk and two little action (22).

The actors themselves offered various comments. Anthony Quayle, playing Falstaff, noted that his character, in this play, is preoccupied with disease and death right from the start (23) and that Falstaff is also morally sicker and more cynical here, especially in the way he treats the military recruits (24). According to Quayle, “Shakespeare knows he’s created two great a character, so he’s got to get rid of him partly because he can’t have a hero who’s going to win the battle of Agincourt still trailing clouds of juvenile delinquency. So I think he quite deliberately in Part 2 gets rid of Falstaff” (24). He added: “I think the audience must love Falstaff to the end but they must also say: ‘Hal had to do that, he really had to!’” (24). David Gwilliam, playing Hal and also commenting on ethical conundrums, explained, “I do think his [Hal’s] dealing with Poins is very cruel. His dealing with Falstaff, on the other hand, destroys Falstaff but there’s no intention to be cruel; there’s just a statement of truth: ‘I can’t associate with you,’ which makes it awful! It’s awful and painful for everybody. But it’s a logical conclusion; it’s what has to happen” (25).

J. C. Bulman and H. R. Coursen, in their 1988 anthology Shakespeare on Television (258–59), quoted from a number of the earliest reviews of this production, which one writer called “[v]ery long and very dull,” adding, “This is the worst kind of Shakespeare in its deadly reverence for the word and its mediocre response to the spirit.” A second commentator wrote that “Gwillim adroitly captures all Hal’s contradictions” and that “Anthony Quayle makes [the part of Falstaff] not only simple, but natural,” while “Jon Finch is also good as Henry IV.” A third reviewer asserted that “Quayle brings the play to life. … [Then] Finch takes hold of [it] with complete authority and never lets it go” (258). A writer for the New York Times declared that although Finch, Quayle, and Gwillim “strive mightily … the thing is generally reluctant to move at more than a snail’s pace,” while yet another critic admired the orchard scenes and another thought that Quayle “convincingly expresses [Falstaff’s] doubleness and ironic conception of himself” and found Michele Dotrice as Lady Percy “unforgettable.” A particularly interesting reaction (quoted at length by Bulman and Coursen) came from William A. Henry in the Boston Globe, who championed both this play and this production, writing that Giles had “surpassed himself in finding the maundering intimacy and pathos of Henry IV, Part 2 without muting any of the roaring laughter.” Henry admired Quayle’s Falstaff but considered Finch “too histrionic in his madness as the king” and David Gwillim “blandly pretty as Prince Hal,” but he concluded that “a wonderful supporting cast lets us feel all the emotion in this unappreciated masterpiece” (259).

Peter Saccio, reviewing the BBC production for the 1982 Shakespeare on Film Newsletter, asserted that “despite a 25% cut in the text, 2H4 has lost least, and emerges for me as the most absorbing of the four productions” of the second tetralogy. He admired the broadcast’s treatment of the play’s “tense private conversations,” saying the “small camera can catch [emotional subtleties] superbly in the juxtaposition of faces” (2). Discussing the different appearances and varied effectiveness of the different actors, Saccio declared at one point that “Finch’s ravaged face confronts the grieving David Gwillim (who has an extraordinarily expressive mouth) with the crown frequently in view,” thereby juxtaposing “[f]ather and son, the crown as glory and as burden, anger and repentance and relief and determination,” so that this moment “powerfully captures what kingship does to kings and heirs.” Saccio thought that at the end of the play, “in the rejection [scene], this rich array of humanity is deliberately reduced to stiff roleplaying. The coronation procession is a parade of walking dummies, shot so as to avoid any real splendor, and Gwillim, his long hair shorn so that none shows beneath the crown, is a mask of kingship saying the obligatory words. Sweaty, quirky, living people (Falstaff and his crew, the crowd) are given their orders and left behind. What kingship does to everyone who comes near it is dryly clear” (2).

Ace Pilkington, in his 1991 book on filmed versions of the history plays, commented that in the BBC Henry IV productions, filming the battle scenes was particularly difficult on a sound stage, requiring many closeups rather than long shots (65). He noted that Jon Finch, as the king, was more often criticized for his performance in the Henry IV plays than he had been in the BBC version of Richard II (70), with one major critic calling it “inadequate” and Pilkington himself agreeing that it was weak (71). But Pilkington reported that Quayle’s performance as Falstaff was much better received, with Pilkington also admiring it (74) and defending it against some objections (75). He emphasized what he considered Falstaff’s insecurities as a self-conscious performer (76), even in his soliloquies, when he performs for viewers at home, often by staring directly into the camera (79). Quoting Quayle’s own view that Hal had no choice but to reject Falstaff, Pilkington commented that the BBC filmmakers “decided to reduce the duration and therefore the warmth and impact of Falstaff’s last performance, to ensure that it is a failure with the television audience in somewhat the same way as it is with the royal one.” Hal needed to be rid of Falstaff to prepare for Henry V, and everyone seemed to agree that Hal had to reject Falstaff and that sympathy for the old man needed to be restrained. Although Pilkington quoted negative assessments of Gwillim’s Hal, he also defended the actor, commenting that “the Hal David Gwillim acted (like both his fathers [Henry IV and Falstaff]) is a performer” (84) whose need to perform may make him sometimes seem less warm than one might wish.

Discussing the BBC production in her 1993 volume on Henry IV, Part II (44–61), Barbara Hodgdon noted that this adaptation’s “emphasis on history taking place in rooms, and most especially in intimate domestic spaces, was intentional” (47), with viewers as “legitimate voyeurs” (48) in a production designed to create a “naturalistic [i.e., realistic] illusion” (49), although Hodgdon did think that Finch sometimes “overtheatricalise[s] his performance” (50). In contrast, she complimented Anthony Quayle, saying that “[f]ar from the over-padded, grotesquely made-up [stereotypical] caricature of the old fat man, Quayle’s Sir John demonstrates the assured craft of a master actor: in several senses, he is this 2 Henry IV’s most authentic feature” (53). She thought that this production turned “Falstaff’s speech back into a present-day equivalent of what Elizabethan audiences may have heard—highly stylised verbal artifice shot through with idiomatic expressions,” partly because “consistently, Quayle’s performance literally releases the rhythms” of the language he speaks (55), allowing him to create a “richly detailed performance [of] extraordinary power.” For this reason, during the rejection scene, Falstaff had to be diminished, which is why Giles filmed him there “as part of an ensemble and denie[d] him a close-up” (57).

James N. Loehlin, in his 2008 book on both parts of Henry IV (180–85), wrote that “Part II in the BBC series is dominated by two diseased men, Anthony Quayle’s Falstaff and Jon Finch’s King Henry.” Loehlin thought that Fallstaff’s “increasingly mean-spirited stratagems for survival and the latter’s furious struggles with mortality establish the atmosphere of the production,” adding that “David Gwillim’s enigmatic Hal, waiting and brooding, makes less of an impression; the rebel scenes are quite perfunctory” (180) and that “the rebellion never seems a significant threat to the kingdom” (181). Commenting on Henry’s physical sickness and on Falstaff’s corresponding moral deterioration (183), Loehlin said that “Finch plays the King’s deathbed scenes for their full dynamic range, rising to rhetorical heights and then collapsing under his illness. His work is showy but compelling: sometimes he seems rather crazed, as though manic or delirious. Much of the scene is filmed in long takes, often in mid-shot, so Finch is able to get some theatrical scope out of the performance” (184). Finding a similarly effective variety in Hal’s performance of the rejection scene (184), Loehlin ended by recommending the BBC’s version of the two Henry IV plays, calling them “intelligent, textually faithful, and fairly conservative versions of the plays” that “seem less dated than some others in the series, and contain a number of solid performances” but are “principally distinguished by Quayle’s detailed study of a shrewd and unscrupulous Falstaff” (185).

1990 English Shakespeare Company Production

This televised adaptation, based on a series of staged versions of the history plays broadcast as The Wars of the Roses, was directed by Michael Bogdanov and Michael Pennington and starred Michael Cronin as King Henry IV; Michael Pennington as Prince Hal; Barry Stanton as Falstaff; and June Watson as Mistress Quickly.

Discussing the production in his 2008 book on the two parts of Henry IV, James N. Loehlin thought that although Pennington was too old to play Prince Hal, “his intelligence and subtlety make this a striking if unorthodox reading of the role, and bring out the political dimensions clearly.” Loehlin wrote that the other leads turn in creditable performances but are “pale shadows” of the actors who had played their parts on stage, calling “Barry Stanton, as Falstaff, … neither as genial nor as steely as John Woodvine” and adding that “he doesn’t provide the carnivalesque counterweight to the Lancastrian political world that was so important in the earlier version” (185). Loehlin felt, however, that this production did “provide an important record of Michael Bogdanov’s directorial interpretation, with its emphasis on a disaffected country, divided by class and region, beginning to chafe against the oppressive government in Westminster,” which Loehlin considered “a parable for the Thatcher era in which the production was conceived” (186).

Bibliography

1 

Bulman, James C., and Herbert R. Coursen, editors. Shakespeare on Television: An Anthology of Essays and Reviews. UP of New England, 1988.

2 

Coursen, H. R. Shakespeare in Space: Recent Shakespeare Productions on Screen. Peter Lang, 2002.

3 

Fenwick, Henry. “The Production.” The Shakespeare Plays: Henry IV Part 2, edited by John Wilders, et al., Mayflower Books, 1979, pp. 19–25.

4 

Hodgdon, Barbara. Henry IV, Part II. Manchester UP, 1993.

5 

Loehlin, James N. Henry IV: Parts I and II. Palgrave Macmillan, 2008.

6 

Pilkington, Ace G. Screening Shakespeare from Richard II to Henry V. U of Delaware P, 1991.

7 

Saccio, Peter. “The Shakespeare Plays on TV: Henry the Fourth, Part Two.” Shakespeare on Film Newsletter, vol. 6, no. 1, 1982, p. 2.

Citation Types

Type
Format
MLA 9th
Archer, Stanley. "Henry IV, Part II." Critical Survey of Shakespeare: Film Adaptations, edited by Robert C. Evans, Salem Press, 2025. Salem Online, online.salempress.com/articleDetails.do?articleName=CSSF_0014.
APA 7th
Archer, S. (2025). Henry IV, Part II. In R. C. Evans (Ed.), Critical Survey of Shakespeare: Film Adaptations. Salem Press. online.salempress.com.
CMOS 17th
Archer, Stanley. "Henry IV, Part II." Edited by Robert C. Evans. Critical Survey of Shakespeare: Film Adaptations. Hackensack: Salem Press, 2025. Accessed December 08, 2025. online.salempress.com.